Amanuel Biedemariam

President Obama undermined US diplomatic protocol, longstanding US diplomatic process and the State Department when he moved-up the UN Ambassadorship of Susan Rice to a cabinet level position. The move is a serious blunder that will undermine US diplomatic structures and processes and its negative effects to be felt for decades to come. There are many examples of these colossal failures.

Ambassador Rice has a horrific record as US point person of Africa during the Clinton Administration in which she stood by as a bystander and witnessed the Rwanda Holocaust unfold. And as a UN Ambassador, Susan Rice is doing serious damages to US political and moral high ground by undercutting US diplomatic leverages and, infringing upon American citizen’s rights by conspiring with some of the most atrocious human rights violators and genocidal tyrants of Africa.

Moreover, Ambassador Rice or President Obama are denying the American people congressional oversight by outsourcing US political agendas to international organizations like the Arab League, African Union and other regional organizations in Africa such as IGAD and ECOWAS. This is a convenient shortcut of pursuing US interests. It only requires pressuring tyrants and leaders of client states to echo US agendas. This approach gives Rice cover to push resolutions and decisions that have long-term implications with a lightning speed.

The problem with this approach is multi-pronged. Firstly, the process excludes the American people and congress. Secondly, and absent of informed public, US congressional representatives are less likely to be inquisitive and as a result not as invested as they should be. This approach avoids open discussions of US diplomatic endeavors and, in this interconnected global environment, to negate the American people and congress opportunities to meaningful understanding of world politics and engagement is serious abrogation of responsibilities.

In addition, the approach renders the State Department impotent at worst or, diminishes its influence greatly. Because regardless, of the communications that take place between the State Department and the US Mission at the UN, the focus of world leaders will be UN and the UNSC. This empowers the UN greatly while diminishing US diplomatic upper hand globally and reduces the US State Department to a mere bureaucratic shell.

Case in point, the recent Sanction measure against Eritrea Resolution 2023 adopted by the UNSC December 5, that passed with thirteen “yes” votes and two abstentions Russia and China. A simple glance at the votes makes the sanction measure look successful. However, upon digging deeper we can uncover layers of disturbing patterns that ought to concern every American.

One of the basic tenets of the American way of life is the jurisprudence based on US constitution that observes certain inalienable rights such as the ability to defend oneself and the presumption of innocence until proven guilty beyond reasonable doubt. While that is not-always forthcoming and apparent in foreign policy matters, there are certain precedents and protocols as well as rules the US is expected to follow. These norms, values and laws, even if they are not adhered-to as they should they are universally accepted principles. And for the US, the standards are higher.

However, in this case, everything was thrown out the window. Ambassador Rice failed to bring a credible case against Eritrea. Rice failed to embrace fairness and American values. Rice presented fabrications to the UNSC to make a case in order to pass sanction measures against Eritrea. She pressed the measure in unprecedented fashion to catch the members of UNSC by surprise into voting without deliberation at 5pm on Tuesday Nov 29, to be voted on the next morning shocking all. She usurped the UN process and gave the matter unwarranted urgency in order to pass the measure. She put the measure in Blue prematurely as if the situation is dire, of utmost urgency and importance.

The members reacted negatively and denied the vote with Russia threatening to veto the measure. China said that President Isaias Afwerki has requested to come and address the UNSC in October and, according to UN charter that is the right of every UN member-country and demanded President Isaias address the council. Of course she did not want President Isaias to appear in front of the council. Her remarks were unbecoming of a diplomat. It was a shameful act and display of utter arrogance that future generation American diplomats cannot model after. She disrespected the Eritrean people by saying I have met the Eritrean delegation in July, we do not want a “circus and is not to my taste.” Her comments are an example that the US needs to seriously reevaluate its diplomatic approaches. Because, Rice acted as if she is above a president and undermined the UN process by disregarding concerns of other members and abused the privileges of being a host nation by using the issuance of a visa as part of her maneuvers. The circus that followed was a must see TV for the whole world to laugh at.

Ambassador Rice went on a two day negotiation spree in which she was forced to say we are obligated to grant a visa to President Isaias and his delegation on Friday Dec 2, 48 hours before the measure was to be voted on. According to Rice, the visas were granted on Saturday and the vote was scheduled for Monday. The president was slated to address the council and make a case for his country in a matter that could determine the fate of his people on Monday morning December 5after travelling 16 hours from Africa.

On Christmas Eve in 2009, Ambassador Rice passed a similar measure in a stealthy manner and placed an arms embargo against Eritrea a nation at war with Ethiopia denying Eritrea a right to self-defense. This was based on fabrications by using Somalia and a border dispute with Djibouti while ignoring Ethiopia that is occupying Eritrean territories illegally. She called this an African initiative and used Africa to pressure China and Russia to pass a sanction measure.

In July of 2011, the African Union (AU) rejected for lack of evidence, Ethiopia’s plea to send yet another bogus statement to the UNSC against Eritrea. The accusations came from Ethiopia and alleged that Eritrea was caught trying to bomb Addis Ababa during the AU gatherings. Ethiopia is at war with Eritrea and the accusations came from a country that is party to the conflict. Gabon, a country that has no connection to Eritrea, tabled the measure at the urging of the US to give it an African cover. The evidence provided to the UNSC is laughable. It is absurd that Rice tried to convince the UNSC, Eritrea, a nation that is capable to wage full scale wars and have successfully defeated Africa’s strongest army to gain independence, can resort to this joke of terrorist act fabricated by a genocidal regime that is using terrorism as a cover to quell decent and make money from the West.

The Russian Ambassador to the United Nations said as follows… “The text of the resolution contains a range of provisions that lack adequate foundation, and the role of the group of experts has been expanded beyond measure. In that respect, we refer in particular to the “planned terrorist attack” in Addis Ababa during the African Union summit there. The Russian Federation is categorically against terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. However, in this case, the Security Council was not presented with convincing proof of Eritrea’s involvement in that incident. We have not seen the results of any investigation of that incident, if indeed there was one.”

This is diplo-speak that means the accusations are fabrications, in other words lies. The barrage of accusations and allegations Eritrea faced was designed to put maximum pressure on China and Russia to pass punitive measures by using Africans. Kenya accused Eritrea of flying arms to Al Shabab in Kisamyo South Somalia. All one has to do is observe the map of the Horn of Africa and observe in order to reach Kisamyou, Eritrea must fly through hostile air space of Ethiopia and above heavily monitored Indian Ocean Waters. The Djibouti case was also a farce since Djibouti has already agreed and signed to allow Qatar to mediate the “dispute.” Ambassador Rice created a circus by having the accusers address the UNSC from Addis via satellite in order to put more pressure and failed. By doing that, Rice empowered the UNSC over the US.

The reality, Djibouti is a client state of the US that hosts over 3,000 US soldiers stationed in Camp Lemonier Djibouti. Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta just visited Djibouti to highlight the importance. Ethiopia and Kenya are in the same boat. The Transitional Government of Somalia is very dependent on the US and Ethiopian soldiers for its very survival. In other words, they are all parties to the conflict.

The US used The Somali Monitoring Group, a group formed by the US to give recommendations on Somalia related issues. In this case, the Monitoring Group presented to the UN everything Ethiopia gave them including names of Eritreans that support their birth country. These law-abiding Eritrean American citizens have resided in the US for decades. The Sanction recommendation the Monitoring Group gave targeted remittances these citizens send to their homeland. The monitoring group gave specific sanction measures to decapitate Eritrea from existence prompting the Russians to react and rightfully say…,

“We also have doubts with respect to the provision in the resolution that gives the Sanctions Committee a mandate to draft, with the support of the expert group, guiding principles for States on maintaining vigilance in their cooperation with Eritrea in the mining sector. When it comes to guiding United Nations Members, guidance should be provided by a resolution of the Security Council and not by the preliminary work of subsidiary bodies, as that can lead to various interpretations of resolutions that have been adopted.”

The monitoring group is not a legal body, an elected representation or a neutral and transparent investigative organ. It is political tool the US and Ethiopia use to further their agendas.

More than what is described above, the most disturbing aspect of Ambassador Rice’s adventures is what Wikileaks exposed. Ambassador Rice conspired with African leaders and discussed on how to impose restrictions on US citizens of Eritrean decent from sending remittances to their home country. Cables on May and August of 2009 reveal Rice talking to various Ethiopian officials in cable after another. This is what Ethiopian official recommended. Cable quote:

“ Tekeda said, cutting off the flow of money to Eritrea was essential. Particularly, remittances from the U.S. was a major source of funding for Eritrea, which used such funds for arms procurement and support for extremist elements.”

On August 17, 2009 Rice conferred with Ethiopian representative Tessema, cable quote:

“Ambassador Rice emphasized that any new sanctions Resolution should reflect the common ground between Ethiopia, Djibouti, and Somalia.”

This is a pattern that shows Rice conspiring against American citizens with leaders of other countries. The list and detail is abundant for all to research. Rice called Eritrean Americans, “The Diaspora” and decided to infringe upon the rights of American citizens that she calls “Diaspora” in order to get at the country of their origin.

One of the most disturbing aspects of these developments is to know how easy it is to infringe upon US citizen rights without any congressional oversight and the citizenry finding out what is really taking place. Moreover, today, it is Eritrean Americans, who is next? It may be easy for the average American to overlook these developments because it is happening to obscure unfamiliar communities. However, these are outstanding law abiding American citizens most of whom arrived in the early to mid-80s. Their kids represent a first generation of Eritrean Americans that are brilliant excelling in many areas. There are many Eritrean doctors, engineers, army officials, athletes and successful exemplary Eritrean American citizens. It is criminal and libelous for Rice to incriminate entire communities of American citizens for foreign policy agendas in order to pass a flowed resolution based on fabrications.

Concluding Remarks

Over the years, the US has showed the world the ways and, meanings of diplomacy in good and bad times. American diplomats epitomized patriotism and international legal savvy. Most importantly they knew the importance of keeping the political upper hand while retaining the moral high grounds. Above all, they placed the rights of American citizens above everything. They accorded it the dignity that it deserves. Howard Baker, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Henry Kissinger to mention some. They always knew how to keep their eyes on the ball while keeping the long and short term goals of the nation intact.

Ambassador Rice is a departure from that. She represents street diplomacy of thug like bullying underhanded mischief; petty shortcut diplomacy, fabrications, obvious-threats and intimidation. Her approaches are gifts to Russia and China because due to her belligerence they are looking like saints. In this latest debacle, China and Russia came out with moral high ground because they were talking transparency and following the UN rules and laws. Susan Rice on the other hand, was always on the defensive and looked petty. Her tactics were a reach by any standard; the strategy she applied was flawed giving Russia and China opportunities to play her like a child.

The people of Africa are suffering terribly due to the incompetence of foreign officials Such as Susan Rice. This episode is likely to lead to more wars and bloodshed. Examples are aplenty. Susan Rice’s name is synonymous to The Genocide of Rwanda. The irony is, after a failure of that magnitude, her incompetence was rewarded by promotion to a much higher and significant position of high impact.

Susan Rice believes that she has picked a soft target to bully, misrepresent, fabricate harass and undermine the rights of Eritrean American citizens in order to pursue her feeble agendas. Certainly, Susan Rice will not try the same strategy on other American groups such as the Armenian or Jewish communities. She felt that Eritrean Americans are soft targets to stigmatize. This Eritrean American will not sit idle and watch American rights stripped brazenly.

All Eritreans and concerned citizens need to call for the firing of Susan Rice and hold her legally accountable for conspiring against American citizens with foreign nationals and governments.

Awetnayu@hotmail.com

NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — Eritrea’s ambassador to Kenya says his country isn’t able to fly three planeloads of weapons to al-Qaida-linked militants in Somalia.

Kenya last week said that three planeloads of weapons had been flown into southern Somalia to arm al-Shabab militants being pursued by Kenyan troops. Kenya’s foreign minister summoned Eritrea’s ambassador and “raised concern” over the possibility Eritrea was behind it.

Eritrean Ambassador Beyene Russom told The Associated Press on Friday that there is no evidence to support the accusations.

Russom says the accusations fit into a pattern of misinformation against his country, which he blamed on Ethiopia, Eritrea’s longtime enemy.

(AP)  The Associated Press.

A week ago, while Ryan Hall was running around sunny Walden Pond, Meb Keflezighi was back home in Mammoth Lakes, Calif., navigating through a foot of snow.

Last November, when Keflezighi was basking on the podium after winning the New York City Marathon, Hall was frustrated in fourth place.

In 2007, after Hall was high-fiving fans en route to winning the Olympic trials in New York’s Central Park, Keflezighi was sitting on the curb sobbing, worried his career might be over after finishing eighth.

Keflezighi and Hall, the United States’ premier marathon runners, belong to the same team and live 1,000 feet from each other in California. But they have rarely been in step the last three years. Too friendly to be marquee rivals, they are more like good neighbors who pass each other on the trails.

Each has his own coach, style, workout regimen and distinct marathon results. Keflezighi, a gritty, methodical runner, has the medals and finally got his major title; Hall, a gutsy frontrunner, has significantly faster times, but still lacks a big-city victory.

On Monday, they will line up in Hopkinton, Mass., for the 114th Boston Marathon, each hoping to become the first American man to win the race since 1983.

“I respect Ryan, we’re good friends and I wish him nothing but the best,” Keflezighi, 34, said this week from California. “I hope one of us does come first.”

Then, laughing, he said, “Of course, I hope it can be me.”

Hall, 27, was in the hunt last year in Boston before battling headwinds and finishing third.

“There’s this brewing fire in me,” Hall said this week from Boston. “I’ve tasted it. I know I can run even faster.”

Hall is at his best when he can lock into a rhythm early and, as he put it, “just fly.” At London in 2008, Hall ran the second-fastest time ever by an American — 2 hours 6 minutes 17 seconds — in finishing fifth. He has announced that he wants to break the American record (2:05:38, by Khalid Khannouchi) on the flat Chicago course this fall.

But Hall also showed he could steamroll the hills of Central Park. Just as he ran that course before the Olympic trials, Hall came to Boston three weeks early, leaving the 8,000-foot altitude in Mammoth Lakes to gain a different advantage.

Hall wanted to become accustomed to the rolling hills, markers, potholes and winds. Last year, he ran as if burst from a cannon, going 4:28 in the first downhill mile, following a scientific study. He never sustained a rhythm or kept the study. “I threw it out after the race,” he said.

This time, he opted for his own research, with a little help from the four-time Boston winner Bill Rodgers. The two have been exchanging e-mail messages and met one day two weeks ago for a brief run. “When you get familiar with the course, you are more in your element, you can flow out of that,” Hall said.

Keflezighi, meanwhile, feeds off the flow of competition. He proved he was a championship racer by winning the silver medal at the 2004 Athens Olympics, the first American man to medal since Frank Shorter in 1976. In New York, Keflezighi overtook the leader, Robert Cheruiyot, in the final miles to win his first marathon after seven years of near-misses and severe injuries. Perseverance — Keflezighi came to the United States at age 12 after his family escaped war in Eritrea — is his mantra.

Hall’s and Keflezighi’s opposing styles rekindle the age-old running debate over medals and records — and which determines success.

Rodgers has been dazzled by Hall’s talent since his eye-popping marathon debut in London (2:08:24) in 2007. “He’s one of the most, if not the most successful runners since Frank Shorter, who won and won and won,” Rodgers said, but quickly added, “I would say, though, at this point, Meb has achieved a higher level, and that was really cemented in New York.”

Hall, too, was impressed by Keflezighi’s performance in New York.

“It was just cool to see him win after many people had written him off,” he said. “Seeing his age — not that he’s at the end — but it’s good to see a guy out there hit it and pick up victories.”

Keflezighi turns 35 on May 5. He is the father of three girls, the youngest just turning 3 months. Keflezighi opted to stay in Mammoth Lakes until the last possible moment — for his family, and also to make up for lost time.

In January, he injured his left knee after falling on ice, which curtailed his training in February and contributed to his dropping out of the New York City Half Marathon in March. He is still bothered by slight tendonitis, but said he was encouraged by his 100-mile-plus training weeks the last month.

“Obviously he wouldn’t be running Boston if we didn’t think he could come up with a strong competitive race,” his longtime coach, Bob Larsen, said.

Hall, too, had an injury last winter. He finished second at Phoenix’s half marathon in January, when he was bothered by adhesions in his legs and received treatment in February.

Before their injuries, the two did a few tempo and long runs together, but with Hall wanting to push the pace and Keflezighi more methodical, “that doesn’t always lend itself to training together,” said Terrence Mahon, Hall’s coach, who oversees the dozen elite athletes in Mammoth Lakes.

Keflezighi mentored Hall when he began running marathons, and the two now compare notes. Mahon hopes the team’s bonds, albeit loose, will help them against the Ethiopians, led by the defending champion, Deriba Merga, 29, and the Kenyans, featuring the newcomer Gilbert Yegon, 21, who ran a 2:06:18 in Amsterdam last fall.

No American man has won New York and Boston back-to-back since Alberto Salazar in 1982, when he outdueled Minnesota’s Dick Beardsley in the broiling April heat.

“If an American wins Boston, whether it’s Meb or Ryan, that would just be a huge, huge story,” Rodgers said. “And if Meb gets it after winning New York, that would be quite something.” Source: (The New York Times)

U.S. Department of State

Johnnie Carson

Assistant Secretary, Bureau of African Affairs

Reimagine, Redefine, Reinvent: A New Paradigm for African Leadership

Harvard University Africa Focus Program

Washington, DC April 5, 2010

It is a real pleasure for me to join you today to launch the second annual Africa Focus at Harvard University. Thank you Dr. Elkins for that kind introduction, and thank you to the organizers of this year’s Africa Focus for inviting me to speak about a topic that I have devoted much of my professional life to – strengthening the United States relationship with Africa.

As many of you know, I have spent much of my career working in and on Africa. I started my career as a Peace Corps volunteer in Tanzania and joined the Foreign Service right after that. I have had the privilege of serving as U.S. Ambassador in Kenya, Zimbabwe, and Uganda and I am honored to be serving as Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs in this administration.

President Obama has a strong interest in Africa and has prioritized Africa among our top foreign policy concerns. This has been evident throughout his first year in office.

The President’s visit to Ghana last July, the earliest visit made by a U.S. president to the continent, underscores Africa’s importance to the U.S. Last September, at the UN General Assembly, the President hosted a lunch with 26 African heads of state. He has also met in the oval office with President Kikwete of Tanzania, President Khama of Botswana, and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangarai. And the President invited dozens of people to the White House to see him give a Zimbabwean women’s group the Robert H. Kennedy Prize for Political Courage.

All of the President’s senior foreign policy advisors have followed his lead—many of them traveling to Africa as well.

The U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations — my former boss and close colleague Ambassador Susan Rice — visited five African countries last June, including Liberia and Rwanda. Deputy Secretary of State Jack Lew traveled to Ethiopia and Tanzania in June 2009.

Last August, Secretary Clinton and I embarked on an 11-day, seven-country trip across the continent. And in January Under Secretary of State for Democracy and Global Affairs Maria Otero headed the U.S. delegation to the African Union Summit in Addis Ababa, where she met with dozens of leaders and discussed a range of issues including democracy and governance, climate change, and food security.

President Obama has said that the United States views Africa as our partner and as a partner of the international community. While Africa has very serious and well-known challenges to confront, the President and Secretary Clinton are confident that Africa and Africans will rise to meet and overcome these challenges.

Last June when the President was in Ghana, he said, “We believe in Africa’s potential and promise. We remain committed to Africa’s future. We will be strong partners with the African people.” Africa is essential to our interconnected world, and our alliance with one another must be rooted in mutual respect and accountability.

I echo the President’s sentiment that U.S. policy must start from the simple premise that Africa’s future is up to Africans.

The Obama Administration is committed to a positive and forward looking policy in Africa.

It is committed to substantial increases in foreign assistance for Africa, but we know that additional assistance will not automatically produce success across the continent. Instead, success will be defined by how well we work together as partners to build Africa’s capacity for long-term change and ultimately the elimination of the continued need for such assistance. As Africa’s partner, the United States is ready to contribute to Africa’s growth and stabilization, but ultimately, African leaders and countries must take control of their futures.

Just like the United States is important to Africa, Africa is important to the United States. The history and heritage of this country is directly linked to Africa; President Obama’s direct family ties to the continent are a testimony to this.

But the significance and relevance of Africa reaches far beyond ethnicity and national origin. It is based on our fundamental interests in promoting democratic institutions and good governance, peace and stability, and sustained economic growth across Sub Saharan Africa. We think these issues are also fundamental to Africa’s future progress and success. Therefore, as we advance our interests, our policy will be based on five overarching principles.

FIRST

We will work with African governments, the international community, and civil society to strengthen democratic institutions and protect the democratic gains made in recent years in many African countries.

A key element in Africa’s transformation is sustained commitment to democracy, rule of law, and constitutional norms. Africa has made significant progress in this area. Botswana, Ghana, Tanzania, Mauritius, and South Africa are a few examples of countries showing that commitment. But progress in this area must be more widespread across Africa.

Some scholars and political analysts are saying that democracy in Africa has reached a plateau, and that we may be witnessing the beginning of a democratic recession. They point to flawed presidential elections in places like Kenya, Ethiopia and Zimbabwe; the attempts by leaders in Niger, Uganda, and Cameroon to extend their terms of office; and the re-emergence of military interventionism in Guinea-Conakry, Madagascar, and just last week in Niger.

Moreover, democracy remains fragile or tenuous in large states like the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, and arguably Africa’s most important country, Nigeria.

Nigeria continues to experience political tensions caused by the prolonged illness of President Yar’Adua. The United States welcomes President Yar’Adua’s recent return to Nigeria. However, we remain concerned that there may be some in Nigeria who are putting their personal ambitions above the health of the President and more importantly ahead of the political stability and political health of the country.

Nigeria is simply too important to Africa and too important to the U.S. and the international community for us not to be concerned and engaged. Widespread instability in Nigeria could have a tsunami-like ripple effect across West Africa and the global community.

During my recent visit to Nigeria, I was encouraged by the steps Nigeria’s elected officials at the national and state level to elevate Goodluck Jonathan to Acting President. Although political progress has been made, Nigeria still faces significant political challenges and uncertainty in the run-up to the next presidential and national assembly elections in 2011.

It is important that Nigeria improve its electoral system, reinvigorate its economy resolve the conflicts in the Niger Delta and end communal violence and impunity in Plateau State. It is also critically important that all of Nigeria’s leaders act responsibly and reaffirm their commitment to good governance, stability and democracy by choosing constitutional rule.

Nigeria and other African countries need civilian governments that deliver services to their people, independent judiciaries that respect and enforce the rule of law, professional security forces that respect human rights, strong and effective legislative institutions, a free and responsible press, and a dynamic civil society. All of these things are needed for a stable and prosperous Africa. All of these things are needed to secure Africa’s future.

The U.S. will continue to work with Africans, as partners, to build stronger democratic institutions and to advance democracy in Africa. It is a major priority.

SECOND

Africa’s future success and global importance are dependent on its continued economic progress. Working alongside African countries to promote and advance sustained economic development and growth is another Obama administration priority. Africa has made measurable inroads to increase prosperity. Countries like Mauritius, Ghana, Rwanda, Botswana, Tanzania, Uganda, and Cape Verde have made significant economic strides. Yet Africa remains the poorest and most vulnerable continent on the globe.

To help turn this situation around, we must work to revitalize Africa’s agricultural sector, which employs more than 70 percent of Africans directly or indirectly.

The U.S. is committed to supporting a new Global Hunger and Food Security Initiative, focusing predominantly on reducing hunger, poverty and under-nutrition.

This $3.5 billion Food Security Initiative will also supply new methods and technologies to African farmers. The initiative was developed to help enhance Africa’s ability to meet its food needs and reduce its reliance on imported food commodities. It will also enable African states to further develop their agricultural industries, and by doing so it can spur economic growth across the continent.

Now is the time for a Green Revolution in African agriculture.

Through innovative approaches and nontraditional technology, we can improve the lives of millions of people across the continent.

Malawi was elected to the African Union chairmanship in January. It has made great progress in the field of agriculture and has indicated that it plans to use its chairmanship of the AU to advance agriculture in Africa. Countries that can feed themselves are stronger, more stable, and better able to weather economic downturns.

The U.S. also wants to strengthen its trading relationship with Africa. We already have strong ties in energy, textiles, and transportation equipment. But we can and should do more. The Obama administration is committed to working with our African partners to maximize the opportunities created by our trade preference programs like AGOA. And we hope more African nations will take advantage of AGOA.

We also continue to explore ways to promote African private sector growth and investment, especially for small and medium-sized businesses.

In the midst of these efforts, we cannot forget the critical role African women play as producers and agricultural traders – they must take part in this economic growth. We must ensure that African women are an equal part of Africa’s economic future and success.

THIRD

Historically the United States has focused on public health and health-related issues in Africa. We are committed to continuing that focus. We will work side-by-side with African governments and civil society to ensure that quality treatment, prevention, and care are easily accessible to communities throughout Africa.

From HIV/AIDS to malaria, Africans endure and suffer a multitude of health pandemics that weaken countries on many fronts. Sick men and women cannot work and contribute to the economy. They cannot serve in the armed forces or police and they cannot provide for the security of their counties.

To help solve the health crisis that is occurring throughout the entire continent, Africans as well as the international community must invest in public health systems, in training more medical professionals, and must ensure that there are good jobs and well-paying opportunities in their own countries for doctors and nurses once they are trained. We must also focus on maternal and infant health care, which are closely related to several Millennium Development Goals.

The Obama Administration will continue the PEPFAR Program and the Bush administration’s fight against HIV/AIDS. In addition to combating HIV/AIDS, malaria, TB, and polio, the Obama Administration has pledged $63 billion to meet public health challenges throughout Africa.

FOURTH

The U.S. is committed to working with African states and the international community to prevent, mitigate, and resolve conflicts and disputes. Conflict destabilizes states and borders, stifles economic growth and investment, and robs young Africans of the opportunity for an education and a better life. Conflict sets back nations for a generation. Throughout Africa, there has been a notable reduction in the number of conflicts over the past decade.

The brutal conflicts in Sierra Leone and Liberia have come to an end, and we have seen Liberia transform itself into a democracy through the election of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Africa’s first female head of state. These examples of what can be accomplished in a short period of time should make us proud and hopeful for solving the problems of seemingly intractable conflicts elsewhere.

However, areas of turmoil and political unrest such as Guinea, Somalia, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Niger and Madagascar create both internal and regional instability. Furthermore, we must not forget the extreme harm inflicted by gender-based violence and the recruitment of child soldiers. The Obama Administration is working to end these conflicts so that peace and economic progress can replace instability and uncertainty.

President Obama has demonstrated his commitment to work with African leaders to help resolve these conflicts through the appointment of the Special Presidential Envoy for Sudan, General Scott Gration, whose mandate is to ensure the full implementation of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement. The Special Advisor for the Great Lakes former Congressman Howard Wolpe is also working to bring peace and stability to the Eastern Congo.

We will also continue our cooperation with regional leaders to look for ways to end Somalia’s protracted political and humanitarian crisis. We continue to call for well-meaning actors in the region to support the Djibouti Peace process of inclusion and reconciliation, and to reject those extremists and their supporters that seek to exploit the suffering of the Somali people.

Additionally, the United States is proactive in working with African leaders, civil society organizations, and the international community to prevent new conflicts. We are cooperating with African leaders to defuse possible disagreements before they become sources of open hostility. As we pursue these avenues of promoting stability and peace in Somalia, we are also shouldering the lion’s share of humanitarian assistance to the people of Somalia.

The United States consistently has been the largest single country donor of humanitarian assistance to Somalia, providing more than $150 million in humanitarian assistance in 2009.

FIFTH:

We will seek to deepen our cooperation with African states to address both old and new transnational challenges. The 21st century ushered in new transnational challenges for Africa and the world.

Africa’s poverty puts it at a distinct disadvantage in dealing with major global and transnational problems like climate change, narco-trafficking, trafficking in persons and arms, and the illegal exploitation of Africa’s minerals and maritime resources.

Meeting the climate and clean energy challenge is a top priority for the United States and the Obama Administration.

Climate change affects the entire globe; its potential impact on water supplies and food security can be disastrous. As President Obama said in Ghana, “while Africa gives off less greenhouse gasses than any other part of the world, it will be the most threatened by climate change.” Often those who have contributed the least to the problem are the ones who are affected the most by it, and the United States is committed to working with Africans to find viable solutions to adapt to the severe consequences of climate change.

The effects of climate change are clear: the snow cap of Mount Kilimanjaro is melting and Lake Chad is a fraction of the size it was 35 years ago. With our international partners, the United States is working to build a sustainable, clean energy global economy which can drive investment and job creation around the world, including bringing energy services to the African continent.

There is no time like the present to face this issue as it carries tremendous consequences for future generations and our planet.

Narco-trafficking is a major challenge for Africa and the world. If we do not address it, African countries will be vulnerable to the destabilizing force of narcotics trafficking in the years ahead. As Africa faces the impact of these new transnational problems, the United States will actively work with leaders and governments across the continent to confront all issues that are global in nature.

I would now like to turn to our new programs and initiatives, which work to implement our policies to move our partnership with Africa forward. We are establishing in-depth, high level dialogues with South Africa, Angola, Nigeria, and with the African Union.

We are increasing our cooperation with other countries interested in Africa such as Canada, the UK, France, China, Japan, and multilateral bodies like the EU.

We also hope that increased funding for projects and programs in Africa, as requested in the 2011 budget, will be approved by Congress. With enhanced resources we can further strengthen our partnership with Africa.

Finally, one of my personal goals is to expand our diplomatic presence in Africa. I am working with the Administration and Congress to increase resources – both funding and people – at our embassies and consulates. I want more American diplomats living and working in Africa. An increased diplomatic presence is important for our mutual progress on all of these pressing issues. It is my sincere desire to open more consulates in Africa, which will enable us to reach your citizens beyond the capital cities.

We must be in Mombasa as well as Nairobi, we must be in Goma as well as Kinshasa, and we will be in Kano as well as Abuja.

We must also do a better job of using our diplomatic presence on the continent to listen to the people of Africa and learn from them how we can better work together on the challenges they face.

The Obama Administration believes in and is committed to Africa’s future. I am excited about the level of interest you, the next generation of African and American leaders, have shown to take the future of Africa into your hands as President Obama called for in Ghana. I appreciate your commitment to this shared vision and your willingness to work together toward a future that brings better governance, expanded democracy, and greater prosperity to Africa’s people. I hope that many of you in this room will choose careers in public service, either in the Peace Corps and the Foreign Service, like I did. I also anticipate that some of you will return to your countries and serve there as the next generation of leaders who can help make progress on some of the challenges facing Africa, which I have mentioned tonight. For those of you who enter the business world, recall what I have said about the vast economic opportunities that remain untapped in Africa. Africa’s challenges demand the kind of energy and creativity that I know is present in this room.

Thank you very much for your time, thank you for this invitation, and now I turn it over to you for questions.

By Stefano Valentino

“Si, se puede,” “Pabst, please” and now, “African Unity” is the latest political mantra echoing in the Mission.

The African Advocacy Network will hold its inaugural meeting early this year at its headquarters at 522 Valencia Street to explore ways to promote stronger cooperation within the African community and with other ethnic groups in the Bay Area.

To this end, the network has extended an invitation to the leaders of other communities, including the Latino, Asian and Arab communities, as well as to the Oakland-based Black Alliance for a Just Immigration.

“We think we can learn a lot from the experiences of well-established communities and we might better achieve our goals by cooperating with them,” says Adoubou Traore, who was born in the Ivory Coast and is currently a language teacher at Cañada College in Redwood City as well as project director of the African Advocacy Network.

An Afro-ethnic Mosaic

“Coordinating workshops and events can be really challenging because African immigrants are dispersed all over the Bay and are not as tightly connected as Latinos or Asians are,” says Joe Sciarrillo, a paralegal at the network, which was created last June. An estimated 38,000 African immigrants live in the Bay Area, with approximately 4,700 in San Francisco. The largest number of immigrants come from Ethiopia, but there are also substantial numbers from Kenya, Egypt, Nigeria and South Africa.

Still, creating services that cater to all of them has proven to be difficult, at least partly because local governments frequently fail to identify them adequately.

“The first challenge that African immigrants face is being under-counted, since most local government forms do not list Africa as an option for country of origin, so African immigrants are often counted as ‘African-American,’” explains Tomás Lee, director of the San Francisco Office of Civic Engagement and Immigrant Affairs.

This social fragmentation also reflects Africa’s cultural and linguistic heterogeneity and the geographical distances within the continent itself.

“Very often it’s only when we come to the US that we meet other African immigrants for the first time outside of our countries of origin,” Traore said.

“It takes time to overcome the anxiety resulting from the contact with individuals who are different from us, learn about each other and focus on what we have in common – being African and away from our homeland.”

Starting Small, Growing Quickly

The organization has a growing number of clients who accept free social services, case management, housing assistance, resources for employment, job searches and legal assistance. A third are from Ethiopia and Eritrea, a third from French-speaking countries in Western Africa, such as Ivory Coast, Togo and Senegal and a quarter are from English-speaking countries, mostly Nigeria and Ghana. Newcomers from North Africa, in particular Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, add to the mosaic of ethnicities that the network is seeking to stitch together.

The majority reside in San Francisco, including a great many in the Mission.

The upcoming meeting will focus on how to support unique ethnic identities while simultaneously forming a greater African movement, helping people resolve immigration issues, organizing joint cultural events, providing educational services and fundraising.

Another key focus will be on promoting business awareness within the community and encouraging people to patronize each other’s services.

“Many Africans we see don’t even realize that some compatriots live in their same neighborhood, thus missing the chance for accessing mutual support,” Sciarrillo says. “For example, few Africans living in the Mission know that one of their community members has a thriving computer repair business (Bay Computers) and that another one runs a taxi service.”

Promoting Dialogue Between Communities

The African Advocacy Network receives funding from the Mayor’s Office of Community Investment, through the San Francisco Immigrant Legal & Education Network, as well as from the California Endowment through Dolores Street Community Services. Both the legal network and Dolores Street are based on Valencia Street.

The way the network operates is a unique example of inter-community collaboration.

“AAN is a project of Dolores Street, which traditionally serves Latinos, and as such it represents the first official form of cooperation between the two communities,” Sciarrillo says. “Up until now, these two communities have collaborated but there has never been a formal organizational integration.”

Many clients who need specialized legal assistance from immigration attorneys are served by the Asian Law Caucus.

The Arab community, through the Arab Resource and Organizing Center, also assists the African network by providing office space at below-market rates.

Another important issue on the agenda is how to work together with the African-American community.

“Our current level of intercultural understanding is not as great as we would like it to be,” Traore says.

“We are different from each other: many African-Americans no longer know much about Africa. Many African immigrants only know of the mass media’s narrative when it comes to African-Americans. It’s going to take a great deal to educate both sides. African-Americans can serve as powerful source of support for newly arrived African immigrants. And we can help them to recover their historic roots.” Source: (Missionlocal)