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Seminar: The Specific Problems of Eritreans in Germany

Seminar: The Specific Problems of Eritreans in Germany

Seminar

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Selam,

To all Eritreans and those interested in Eritrea!

Due to considerable problems which Eritrean families are confronted with in Germany (Diaspora), a huge seminar is scheduled in Mannheim Germany to directly address these problems in plain-language.

Problem: Analysis and Prevention

The following topics will be discussed: Problems of integration, education, motivation, problems within families, problems of identification, drug problems, juvenile delinquency, diseases (AIDS education), social constraints and much more.

Everybody who wants to make a positive contribution to support the Eritrean community and the integration into German society is hearty welcomed to come.

Language: German

Date & Time: 11.09. 2010 18:00

Place: Haus der Jugend C2, 16 -18, 68159 Mannheim

With best Regards,

Organizer,

Biniam Kiflai

Email: Biniam1@web.de

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Nevsun Satus Update

Nevsun Satus Update

Nevsun Resources Ltd. (TSX:NSU)(NYSE Amex:NSU) -

At the request of Market Surveillance of the Investment Industry Regulatory Organization of Canada (IIROC), on behalf of the Toronto Stock Exchange, the Company wishes to advise that it is not aware of any material undisclosed development that would cause the significant upward movement of the Company’s share price.

The Company’s Bisha Project continues to be on target for plant commissioning in late 2010. We refer you to other recent news releases for information about the Bisha Project.

NEVSUN RESOURCES LTD.

Cliff T. Davis

President & Chief Executive Officer

For further information, please contact:

Kin Communications
Tel: 604 684 6730
Toll free 1 866 684 6730
Email: ir@kincommunications.com
Website: www.nevsun.com

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Bisha Update & Plant Commissioning Targets

Bisha Update & Plant Commissioning Targets

Bisha Update & Plant Commissioning Targets

Nevsun Resources Ltd. (TSX:NSU / NYSE Amex:NSU) is pleased to provide a brief update on the Bisha project and the first quarter results.

BISHA PROJECT UPDATE

The Bisha Project is positioned to be Eritrea’s first modern day mine, with production under the current mine plan to yield payable metals of 1.06M oz gold, 734M lb copper, 1B lb zinc and 9.4M oz silver. It benefits from the continued support of the local Eritrea Government and is fully financed. Mine construction continues on schedule, with the Bisha project now approximately 60% complete. During the course of Q1 2010, the following milestones were achieved:

  • Financing completed by Nevsun;
  • Ball and SAG mills assembled and set in place;
  • Pre-strip mining commenced;
  • Cost expenditure transpired virtually as planned. At March 31, 2010, approximately $175 million had been spent, ordered or arranged and the project remains on track to come within the targeted $260 million total cost.

Pictures of the construction progress are updated regularly and can be found on the Company web site – www.nevsun.com/properties/photo_gallery .

Targets for remainder of 2010:

Q2

  • SAG and Ball mills fully installed;

Q3

  • Completion of structural steel and plate-work;
  • Completion of plant electrical and piping;
  • Completion of pre-strip and ore stockpiling;

Q4

  • Completion of tails management facility;
  • Plant commissioning;
  • First gold production.

The Company is still on target for the commissioning of the plant in Q4 2010 and all key senior operations personnel are in place for supervision, training and commissioning purposes. Installation of the SAG and ball grinding mills is ongoing and should be completed by the end of Q2. Furthermore, the construction of the tailings facility commenced in Q4 2009 and installation of the impermeable liner is ongoing and should be completed in Q4 2010.

QUARTERLY RESULTS

The Company’s end of quarter financial position includes a healthy $113 million cash position that, together with the financial contribution by the State of Eritrea, will carry the project through to positive cash flow in Q1 2011. The estimated Bisha Project cash flow under various metals price assumptions is included in the annual MD&A and posted on the Nevsun web site – www.nevsun.com/project/highlights .

During the first quarter the Company wrote off deferred finance costs of $10.7 million associated with previous project debt arrangements as a result of switching to an all equity approach to financing the Bisha construction. As noted in our press release on February 23, 2010, the decision to finance the project by equity instead of debt has significantly enhanced the estimated cash flow through the elimination of finance costs and debt repayment. The first quarter loss of $11.5 million compares to $1.3 million for the same period last year.

Complete details of the Q1 2010 financial statements and management’s discussion and analysis can be found on the Nevsun website at www.nevsun.com as well as on Sedar at www.sedar.com and EDGAR at http://www.sec.gov/edgar/searchedgar/webusers.htm.

Forward Looking Statements:

Forward Looking Statements: The above contains forward-looking statements concerning cash position, construction progress, reserves, mine planning and project economics. Forward-looking statements are frequently, but not always, identified by words such as “expects,” “anticipates,” “believes,” “intends,” “estimates,” “potential,” “possible” and similar expressions, or statements that events, conditions or results “will,” “may,” “could” or “should” occur or be achieved. Forward-looking statements are statements about the future and are inherently uncertain, and actual achievements of the Company or other future events or conditions may differ materially from those reflected in the forward-looking statements due to a variety of risks, uncertainties and other factors, including, without limitation, those described in the Management Discussion and Analysis of the Company. The Company’s forward-looking statements are based on the beliefs, expectations and opinions of management on the date the statements are made and the Company assumes no obligation to update such forward-looking statements in the future. For the reasons set forth above, investors should not place undue reliance on forward-looking statements.

NEVSUN RESOURCES LTD.

Cliff T. Davis

President & Chief Executive Officer

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AfDB Approves USD 20 Million Grant to Support Higher Education in Eritrea

AfDB Approves USD 20 Million Grant to Support Higher Education in Eritrea

Tunis, 28 April 2010 – The Board of Directors of the African Development Fund (ADF) on Wednesday, 28 April 2010 approved a ADF grant of UA 12.9 million* (equivalent to USD 20 million) to support a higher education development project in Eritrea.

The project is aimed at scaling up human resources development in order to further enhance economic growth programmes and reduce poverty in the country. The project will specifically contribute to building capacity for teaching, research and service in the country’s higher education institutions.

The project is estimated at UA 15.66 million. The Eritrean government will contribute UA 2.76 million. The activities to be supported by the ADF grant are so vital to the country that they are being closely coordinated in line with those provided by other development partners.

Commenting on the Board’s approval, the Chief Education Specialist, Abdi Younis, explained that Eritrea’s higher education sub-sector had been facing several challenges, which the ADF project would address.

These include, in particular, the shortage of qualified national staff and inadequate infrastructure.

“The Project will contribute to the building of capacity for teaching, research and service at the country’s higher education institutions, through assistance in staff development for teaching and research at the seven higher education institutions in the country,” Mr Younis said.

“The provision of technical assistance for these institutions in the areas where competencies are not currently available in the country as well as the necessary infrastructure development for teaching and research at two of the institutions are also imperative for the sustainable development of Eritrea,” he added.

* UA1 = USD 1.51824 as at 28/04/2010

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Statement by the International Monetary Financial Committee

Statement by the International Monetary Financial Committee

International Monetary and Financial Committee Twenty First Meeting April 24, 2010.

Statement by Honorable Olusegun O. Aganga Minister of Finance of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. On behalf of Angola, Botswana, Burundi, Eritrea, Ethiopia, The Gambia, Kenya,Lesotho, Liberia, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe

A. The global economic and financial markets

Global economic developments

  • We are encouraged by the global economic recovery, which seems to be better than was earlier envisaged and is being well supported by accommodative macroeconomic policies. However, the pick-up in activity has been uneven across countries and regions. Recovery in the major advanced economies is sluggish compared with that in the emerging and developing economies. While a variety of risks have receded, the growth outlook remains uncertain and there continue to be some near-term risks. Public debt in advanced economies cannot rise much farther and already limits the scope for policy maneuver. Further, heightened concerns about sovereign risks, though not so widespread in major advanced economies, are dampening investor confidence and threatening the resurgence of financial stability. Although a stimulus-led recovery is under way in the United Sates, private demand remains subdued. In the euro area, recovery is lagging. A number of countries in Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States are also lagging. Among emerging and developing economies, Asia is leading the recovery and is, as a result, attracting large capital inflows. Sovereign risks notwithstanding, we consider that accommodative policies in the advanced countries should be continued until recovery is clearly taking hold.

  • Strong fundamentals and policies had enabled sub-Saharan Africa to weather the crisis well, and recovery from the 2009 slowdown is expected to be faster than from past global downturns. Although some middle-income and oil-exporting countries were hit hard by the collapse in export and commodity markets, the region managed to avoid contraction. Shocks that hit the region mainly emanated from the trade channel because the region is now more open to trade. The outlook, however, is not clear due to uneven global recovery and resurgence of high energy prices. While higher than expected energy prices would benefit oil exporters, it would trigger another round of dampened growth and higher inflation in the region’s oil importers. In addition, though bilateral aid held up well during the global downturn, the outlook for official aid as a whole is mixed because of the large output declines, possibly protracted recoveries, and heightened fiscal pressures in major donor countries. Thus, though recovery in the region seems to be relatively robust, we consider that African countries should maintain supportive macroeconomic policies in the near term to weather the tail risks of sluggish global recovery and the resurgence in energy prices

Financial market developments

  • While the risks have eased as the recovery gained traction, the global economy has not yet stabilized. Vulnerabilities in the financial sector now emanate from concerns about the sustainability of sovereign balance sheets. It is feared that in many advanced economies longer-run solvency concerns could translate into short-term strains in funding markets and intensify the funding challenges facing banks. Slow progress in repair of bank balance sheets and an increase in public borrowing needs may further constrain credit supply and prolong the recovery. Pressing ahead with financial sector reforms to make the global financial system more resilient is essential. Further, it will be important to strike the right balance between protecting the stability of the financial system and ensuring that it is innovative and efficient. Regardless of how regulation is structured, regulators’ toolkits will likely need to be augmented to mitigate systemic risks.

    B. Challenges for low-income-countries (LICs)

    • We reaffirm that the Fund should remain a quota-based institution, and finance the bulk of its lending from its quota resources. Members’ quotas are relevant for access to Fund resources, including general SDR allocations, and for dividend distributions. The reform of quota shares is therefore of critical importance to the LICs since the IMF reformed its financing instruments in 2009. A core objective of the LICs is also to have more voice and representation at all levels of the Fund.

    Access to Fund financing

    • We appreciate the relentless efforts of the Fund’s management, staff and the Executive Board to activate the new lending architecture for the LICs under the Poverty Reduction Growth Trust created in July 2009. We especially thank the lenders to the trust for their consent to the new framework, which made it possible for the three financing instruments—the Extended Credit Facility (ECF), the Stand-by Credit Facility (SCF), and the Rapid Credit Facility ( RCF)—to become operational this year. These instruments— together with the enhanced access levels—will go a long way in meeting the financing needs of the LICs. We urge the Fund and its lenders to further enhance the concessional lending facilities based on the core principles of the Fund.

    Crisis prevention facility

    • We acknowledge that our first line of defense is to increase our resilience through improved policies, institutions and, above all, fundamentals. We have done most of these and are committed to persevere with additional measures going forward.
    • That record notwithstanding, we are aware of the efforts in response to the lessons of the crisis to develop crisis-prevention financing instruments for a cross-section of Fund members. While we fully support these efforts, with a caveat for streamlining the number of instruments, we strongly urge that similar crisis-prevention instruments be tailored to the LICs and lower- middle-income countries. A Flexible Credit Line (FCL)-like financing instrument would be appropriate for such countries that have strong fundamentals and policies. We thus support the proposal for broadening qualification for the FCL to meet this objective, while keeping commitment fees and charges at a reduced level.

    C. Quotas, size, and the Fund financing role

    • We wish to recall that, on quotas, the 2008 reform package resulted in significant losses for the LICs as a group and for a very large number of individual countries. Once this package has been fully ratified, the level of LIC access to Fund resources will significantly diminish. Therefore, the IMFC’s guide for protecting the quota shares of the LICs from further declines should remain a target outcome of the current quota reform.

    Quota reform and size of the Fund

    • We reaffirm our welcome to the commitment of the G20 leaders and the IMFC to a fasttrack new round of quota and voice reform. It offers IMF members the opportunity to make prompt progress on this critical governance issue and to quickly address legitimacy and governance deficits. We realize fully that achieving these objectives is a daunting task, given the intensity of engagement required and the need for a spirit of compromise from all parties. Nonetheless, the lessons learned from the current crisis and the measures taken to enhance the effectiveness and legitimacy of the Fund in responding to member financing needs, give us a sound basis to use the 14th review of quotas to make a major step forward.
    • Mindful of our efforts to make the IMFC a platform for effective Ministerial engagement, we urge the members of the IMFC to rise to the challenge and guide the process further in three key areas: size of quota increase; size of shift in the quota realignment and the beneficiaries of this shift; and the level of quota protection for the LICs. We believe there is political will to achieve an ambitious outcome: the G20 leaders’ commitments and the IMFC communiqué attest to this. To that end, and to achieve the twin objectives of keeping the Fund a quota-based institution while effectively meeting members financing needs in the post-crisis economy, we are of the view that the 14th review should entail a substantial quota increase.
    • Should the time factor prevent fully addressing the deficiencies in the quota formula, we would support the proposal advanced by some members that an aggregate shift in quota shares on the order of 5–7 percentage points is necessary both to enable the Fund to enhance its effectiveness as a quota-based institution and to meaningfully rebalance the distribution of quota shares. Quota reform should therefore target at least a 5 percent shift to emerging markets and developing countries (EMDCs) and protection of the quota shares of the LICs members of the IMF at the levels of the 2008 package. Eventual realignment of the largest quotas would also be in concert with the objectives of the quota reform.
    • We see merit in the case for a quota increase between 130 to 200 percent to meet these objectives and also to restore quotas relative to averages across traditional global indicators, such as trade and capital inflows to EMDCs. We would support an increase in the upper range and invite the IMFC members to support this level of quota increase. Such a quota increase together with the recently approved expanded new arrangement to borrow (NAB) would give the Fund a commitment capacity of about US$1 trillion. We share the view that this level of commitment would enable the Fund to support members and cope with the additional resource implications of an eventual enlarged Fund mandate.

    Future financing role

    • The crisis has offered valuable lessons that can be used to strengthen the global financial safety net. There is certainly merit in countries’ desire to increase their resilience to shocks as the first line of defense. We are committed to pursue this objective, and thank the Fund and our development partners for their understanding and support.
    • As part of the second line of defense, we are aware that proposals on the future financing role of the Fund include the present crisis-prevention instruments, especially the modernized FCL, and new instruments, such as the Precautionary Credit Line (PCL), the Multi-country Swap Line (MSL), and the co-financing of the Reserve Pooling Arrangements (RPAs). As we have indicated, there is clearly need for crisis-prevention financing instruments and enhancement of concessional instruments for LICs. 15. While the Fund’s proposals for crisis-prevention financing instruments are in the right direction, we urge that more effort be given to modernizing existing instruments, and restrict the new instruments to those that are less stigma-intensive. We fully endorse the caution advanced by other members that all financing instruments, old and new, should be streamlined in line with earlier institutional decisions. This also underlines the need to rationalize the financing instruments. Further, we emphasize the need for greater international cooperation.

    D. Governance framework

    • We are encouraged by the progress made thus far on governance reform, and would urge the IMFC and Executive Board to address the remaining issues expeditiously, preferably before the next Annual Meetings. We reiterate that governance reform should proceed in parallel with the reform on quotas to enhance legitimacy of the entire process.
    • IMFC reform process: We fully support the proposals for strengthening the IMFC as a vehicle for enhancing Ministerial involvement. To that end, we urge that the IMFC meetings and deliberations be adjusted to meet this objective. Strengthening the role of the IMFC as a decision-making body would demand clear delineation of the separate responsibilities of the IMFC, the Executive Board, and management.
    • Selection of Fund management: We strongly support the proposals for a transparent, non-region-specific process for selecting the Fund’s management. However, we share the doubts about the efficacy of these proposals unless there is a commitment to quota realignment and clear understandings by all without any “unwritten” rules.
    • Functioning of the Executive Board: We support the objective of making the Executive Board stronger while maintaining its current size. We look forward to a decision that will enable the sub-Saharan Africa region to have parity in the representation at the BWIs following the decision of the World Bank to establish a third chair for this region.

    E. Strengthening Fund surveillance and mandate

    • Surveillance needs to evolve with the global economy. Given the changes in the global economic landscape over the past few years, modernizing surveillance and making financial sector issues core to it have become necessary and inevitable. The importance of evenhandedness in the conduct of Fund surveillance, especially for advanced economies, cannot be overemphasized. Because it is an institution seeking to promote global stability, it is in the best interests of the Fund to strive to overcome the fundamental problem that it seems to have least value and traction with those members that are systemically significant for global stability. The financial sector was at the epicenter of the recent global economic and financial crises. It is therefore of utmost importance to bring financial sector issues and policies to the core of the Fund’s surveillance framework.
    • Improving multilateral surveillance and outward spillovers would promote global stability and improve the traction of Fund surveillance. We also believe it would be effective to use outward spillovers as a bridge between multilateral and bilateral surveillance. However, even with greater attention on multilateral surveillance and outward spillovers, bilateral surveillance should continue to remain a pillar of the Fund’s activities. Also, we urge that the ambition to widen the scope of surveillance should be matched by expansion of the Fund’s resources to deliver on its core mandate.

    F. Early warning exercise (EWE)

    • A key lesson the world has learned from the current crisis is the need for better analysis of risks to the global economy. The EWE is an important toolkit for providing an integrated perspective on global risks and vulnerabilities. The collaboration of the Fund and the Financial Stability Board in both operational and technical issues is commendable. The progress made so far with the EWE should now be accompanied by concrete steps to explore how best to communicate the results of the exercise to the membership and the public at large.
    • It will be crucial that EWE results find their way into the Fund’s policy advice in both bilateral and multilateral surveillance. As is often pointed out, identifying vulnerabilities is relatively easy—what is harder is the policy action that is crucial to prevent a risk from becoming a reality. Each EWE round therefore needs to assess policy actions taken by authorities in response to previous warnings.

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    U.S.-Africa Policy Under the Obama Administration

    U.S.-Africa Policy Under the Obama Administration

    U.S. Department of State
    Johnnie Carson
    Assistant Secretary, Bureau of African Affairs
    Reimagine, Redefine, Reinvent: A New Paradigm for African Leadership
    Harvard University Africa Focus Program
    Washington, DC April 5, 2010

    It is a real pleasure for me to join you today to launch the second annual Africa Focus at Harvard University. Thank you Dr. Elkins for that kind introduction, and thank you to the organizers of this year’s Africa Focus for inviting me to speak about a topic that I have devoted much of my professional life to – strengthening the United States relationship with Africa.

    As many of you know, I have spent much of my career working in and on Africa. I started my career as a Peace Corps volunteer in Tanzania and joined the Foreign Service right after that. I have had the privilege of serving as U.S. Ambassador in Kenya, Zimbabwe, and Uganda and I am honored to be serving as Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs in this administration.

    President Obama has a strong interest in Africa and has prioritized Africa among our top foreign policy concerns. This has been evident throughout his first year in office.

    The President’s visit to Ghana last July, the earliest visit made by a U.S. president to the continent, underscores Africa’s importance to the U.S. Last September, at the UN General Assembly, the President hosted a lunch with 26 African heads of state. He has also met in the oval office with President Kikwete of Tanzania, President Khama of Botswana, and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangarai. And the President invited dozens of people to the White House to see him give a Zimbabwean women’s group the Robert H. Kennedy Prize for Political Courage.

    All of the President’s senior foreign policy advisors have followed his lead—many of them traveling to Africa as well.

    The U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations — my former boss and close colleague Ambassador Susan Rice — visited five African countries last June, including Liberia and Rwanda. Deputy Secretary of State Jack Lew traveled to Ethiopia and Tanzania in June 2009.

    Last August, Secretary Clinton and I embarked on an 11-day, seven-country trip across the continent. And in January Under Secretary of State for Democracy and Global Affairs Maria Otero headed the U.S. delegation to the African Union Summit in Addis Ababa, where she met with dozens of leaders and discussed a range of issues including democracy and governance, climate change, and food security.

    President Obama has said that the United States views Africa as our partner and as a partner of the international community. While Africa has very serious and well-known challenges to confront, the President and Secretary Clinton are confident that Africa and Africans will rise to meet and overcome these challenges.

    Last June when the President was in Ghana, he said, “We believe in Africa’s potential and promise. We remain committed to Africa’s future. We will be strong partners with the African people.” Africa is essential to our interconnected world, and our alliance with one another must be rooted in mutual respect and accountability.

    I echo the President’s sentiment that U.S. policy must start from the simple premise that Africa’s future is up to Africans.

    The Obama Administration is committed to a positive and forward looking policy in Africa.

    It is committed to substantial increases in foreign assistance for Africa, but we know that additional assistance will not automatically produce success across the continent. Instead, success will be defined by how well we work together as partners to build Africa’s capacity for long-term change and ultimately the elimination of the continued need for such assistance. As Africa’s partner, the United States is ready to contribute to Africa’s growth and stabilization, but ultimately, African leaders and countries must take control of their futures.

    Just like the United States is important to Africa, Africa is important to the United States. The history and heritage of this country is directly linked to Africa; President Obama’s direct family ties to the continent are a testimony to this.

    But the significance and relevance of Africa reaches far beyond ethnicity and national origin. It is based on our fundamental interests in promoting democratic institutions and good governance, peace and stability, and sustained economic growth across Sub Saharan Africa. We think these issues are also fundamental to Africa’s future progress and success. Therefore, as we advance our interests, our policy will be based on five overarching principles.

    FIRST

    We will work with African governments, the international community, and civil society to strengthen democratic institutions and protect the democratic gains made in recent years in many African countries.

    A key element in Africa’s transformation is sustained commitment to democracy, rule of law, and constitutional norms. Africa has made significant progress in this area. Botswana, Ghana, Tanzania, Mauritius, and South Africa are a few examples of countries showing that commitment. But progress in this area must be more widespread across Africa.

    Some scholars and political analysts are saying that democracy in Africa has reached a plateau, and that we may be witnessing the beginning of a democratic recession. They point to flawed presidential elections in places like Kenya, Ethiopia and Zimbabwe; the attempts by leaders in Niger, Uganda, and Cameroon to extend their terms of office; and the re-emergence of military interventionism in Guinea-Conakry, Madagascar, and just last week in Niger.

    Moreover, democracy remains fragile or tenuous in large states like the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, and arguably Africa’s most important country, Nigeria.

    Nigeria continues to experience political tensions caused by the prolonged illness of President Yar’Adua. The United States welcomes President Yar’Adua’s recent return to Nigeria. However, we remain concerned that there may be some in Nigeria who are putting their personal ambitions above the health of the President and more importantly ahead of the political stability and political health of the country.

    Nigeria is simply too important to Africa and too important to the U.S. and the international community for us not to be concerned and engaged. Widespread instability in Nigeria could have a tsunami-like ripple effect across West Africa and the global community.

    During my recent visit to Nigeria, I was encouraged by the steps Nigeria’s elected officials at the national and state level to elevate Goodluck Jonathan to Acting President. Although political progress has been made, Nigeria still faces significant political challenges and uncertainty in the run-up to the next presidential and national assembly elections in 2011.

    It is important that Nigeria improve its electoral system, reinvigorate its economy resolve the conflicts in the Niger Delta and end communal violence and impunity in Plateau State. It is also critically important that all of Nigeria’s leaders act responsibly and reaffirm their commitment to good governance, stability and democracy by choosing constitutional rule.

    Nigeria and other African countries need civilian governments that deliver services to their people, independent judiciaries that respect and enforce the rule of law, professional security forces that respect human rights, strong and effective legislative institutions, a free and responsible press, and a dynamic civil society. All of these things are needed for a stable and prosperous Africa. All of these things are needed to secure Africa’s future.

    The U.S. will continue to work with Africans, as partners, to build stronger democratic institutions and to advance democracy in Africa. It is a major priority.

    SECOND

    Africa’s future success and global importance are dependent on its continued economic progress. Working alongside African countries to promote and advance sustained economic development and growth is another Obama administration priority. Africa has made measurable inroads to increase prosperity. Countries like Mauritius, Ghana, Rwanda, Botswana, Tanzania, Uganda, and Cape Verde have made significant economic strides. Yet Africa remains the poorest and most vulnerable continent on the globe.

    To help turn this situation around, we must work to revitalize Africa’s agricultural sector, which employs more than 70 percent of Africans directly or indirectly.

    The U.S. is committed to supporting a new Global Hunger and Food Security Initiative, focusing predominantly on reducing hunger, poverty and under-nutrition.

    This $3.5 billion Food Security Initiative will also supply new methods and technologies to African farmers. The initiative was developed to help enhance Africa’s ability to meet its food needs and reduce its reliance on imported food commodities. It will also enable African states to further develop their agricultural industries, and by doing so it can spur economic growth across the continent.

    Now is the time for a Green Revolution in African agriculture.

    Through innovative approaches and nontraditional technology, we can improve the lives of millions of people across the continent.

    Malawi was elected to the African Union chairmanship in January. It has made great progress in the field of agriculture and has indicated that it plans to use its chairmanship of the AU to advance agriculture in Africa. Countries that can feed themselves are stronger, more stable, and better able to weather economic downturns.

    The U.S. also wants to strengthen its trading relationship with Africa. We already have strong ties in energy, textiles, and transportation equipment. But we can and should do more. The Obama administration is committed to working with our African partners to maximize the opportunities created by our trade preference programs like AGOA. And we hope more African nations will take advantage of AGOA.

    We also continue to explore ways to promote African private sector growth and investment, especially for small and medium-sized businesses.

    In the midst of these efforts, we cannot forget the critical role African women play as producers and agricultural traders – they must take part in this economic growth. We must ensure that African women are an equal part of Africa’s economic future and success.

    THIRD

    Historically the United States has focused on public health and health-related issues in Africa. We are committed to continuing that focus. We will work side-by-side with African governments and civil society to ensure that quality treatment, prevention, and care are easily accessible to communities throughout Africa.

    From HIV/AIDS to malaria, Africans endure and suffer a multitude of health pandemics that weaken countries on many fronts. Sick men and women cannot work and contribute to the economy. They cannot serve in the armed forces or police and they cannot provide for the security of their counties.

    To help solve the health crisis that is occurring throughout the entire continent, Africans as well as the international community must invest in public health systems, in training more medical professionals, and must ensure that there are good jobs and well-paying opportunities in their own countries for doctors and nurses once they are trained. We must also focus on maternal and infant health care, which are closely related to several Millennium Development Goals.

    The Obama Administration will continue the PEPFAR Program and the Bush administration’s fight against HIV/AIDS. In addition to combating HIV/AIDS, malaria, TB, and polio, the Obama Administration has pledged $63 billion to meet public health challenges throughout Africa.

    FOURTH

    The U.S. is committed to working with African states and the international community to prevent, mitigate, and resolve conflicts and disputes. Conflict destabilizes states and borders, stifles economic growth and investment, and robs young Africans of the opportunity for an education and a better life. Conflict sets back nations for a generation. Throughout Africa, there has been a notable reduction in the number of conflicts over the past decade.

    The brutal conflicts in Sierra Leone and Liberia have come to an end, and we have seen Liberia transform itself into a democracy through the election of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Africa’s first female head of state. These examples of what can be accomplished in a short period of time should make us proud and hopeful for solving the problems of seemingly intractable conflicts elsewhere.

    However, areas of turmoil and political unrest such as Guinea, Somalia, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Niger and Madagascar create both internal and regional instability. Furthermore, we must not forget the extreme harm inflicted by gender-based violence and the recruitment of child soldiers. The Obama Administration is working to end these conflicts so that peace and economic progress can replace instability and uncertainty.

    President Obama has demonstrated his commitment to work with African leaders to help resolve these conflicts through the appointment of the Special Presidential Envoy for Sudan, General Scott Gration, whose mandate is to ensure the full implementation of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement. The Special Advisor for the Great Lakes former Congressman Howard Wolpe is also working to bring peace and stability to the Eastern Congo.

    We will also continue our cooperation with regional leaders to look for ways to end Somalia’s protracted political and humanitarian crisis. We continue to call for well-meaning actors in the region to support the Djibouti Peace process of inclusion and reconciliation, and to reject those extremists and their supporters that seek to exploit the suffering of the Somali people.

    Additionally, the United States is proactive in working with African leaders, civil society organizations, and the international community to prevent new conflicts. We are cooperating with African leaders to defuse possible disagreements before they become sources of open hostility. As we pursue these avenues of promoting stability and peace in Somalia, we are also shouldering the lion’s share of humanitarian assistance to the people of Somalia.

    The United States consistently has been the largest single country donor of humanitarian assistance to Somalia, providing more than $150 million in humanitarian assistance in 2009.

    FIFTH:

    We will seek to deepen our cooperation with African states to address both old and new transnational challenges. The 21st century ushered in new transnational challenges for Africa and the world.

    Africa’s poverty puts it at a distinct disadvantage in dealing with major global and transnational problems like climate change, narco-trafficking, trafficking in persons and arms, and the illegal exploitation of Africa’s minerals and maritime resources.

    Meeting the climate and clean energy challenge is a top priority for the United States and the Obama Administration.

    Climate change affects the entire globe; its potential impact on water supplies and food security can be disastrous. As President Obama said in Ghana, “while Africa gives off less greenhouse gasses than any other part of the world, it will be the most threatened by climate change.” Often those who have contributed the least to the problem are the ones who are affected the most by it, and the United States is committed to working with Africans to find viable solutions to adapt to the severe consequences of climate change.

    The effects of climate change are clear: the snow cap of Mount Kilimanjaro is melting and Lake Chad is a fraction of the size it was 35 years ago. With our international partners, the United States is working to build a sustainable, clean energy global economy which can drive investment and job creation around the world, including bringing energy services to the African continent.

    There is no time like the present to face this issue as it carries tremendous consequences for future generations and our planet.

    Narco-trafficking is a major challenge for Africa and the world. If we do not address it, African countries will be vulnerable to the destabilizing force of narcotics trafficking in the years ahead. As Africa faces the impact of these new transnational problems, the United States will actively work with leaders and governments across the continent to confront all issues that are global in nature.

    I would now like to turn to our new programs and initiatives, which work to implement our policies to move our partnership with Africa forward. We are establishing in-depth, high level dialogues with South Africa, Angola, Nigeria, and with the African Union.

    We are increasing our cooperation with other countries interested in Africa such as Canada, the UK, France, China, Japan, and multilateral bodies like the EU.

    We also hope that increased funding for projects and programs in Africa, as requested in the 2011 budget, will be approved by Congress. With enhanced resources we can further strengthen our partnership with Africa.

    Finally, one of my personal goals is to expand our diplomatic presence in Africa. I am working with the Administration and Congress to increase resources – both funding and people – at our embassies and consulates. I want more American diplomats living and working in Africa. An increased diplomatic presence is important for our mutual progress on all of these pressing issues. It is my sincere desire to open more consulates in Africa, which will enable us to reach your citizens beyond the capital cities.

    We must be in Mombasa as well as Nairobi, we must be in Goma as well as Kinshasa, and we will be in Kano as well as Abuja.

    We must also do a better job of using our diplomatic presence on the continent to listen to the people of Africa and learn from them how we can better work together on the challenges they face.

    The Obama Administration believes in and is committed to Africa’s future. I am excited about the level of interest you, the next generation of African and American leaders, have shown to take the future of Africa into your hands as President Obama called for in Ghana. I appreciate your commitment to this shared vision and your willingness to work together toward a future that brings better governance, expanded democracy, and greater prosperity to Africa’s people. I hope that many of you in this room will choose careers in public service, either in the Peace Corps and the Foreign Service, like I did. I also anticipate that some of you will return to your countries and serve there as the next generation of leaders who can help make progress on some of the challenges facing Africa, which I have mentioned tonight. For those of you who enter the business world, recall what I have said about the vast economic opportunities that remain untapped in Africa. Africa’s challenges demand the kind of energy and creativity that I know is present in this room.

    Thank you very much for your time, thank you for this invitation, and now I turn it over to you for questions.

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    UNICEF Supports a Revived Commitment to Nomadic Education in Eritrea

    UNICEF Supports a Revived Commitment to Nomadic Education in Eritrea

    ASMARA, Eritrea, UNICEF, 30 March 2010 – Delivering education to children in remote rural areas is a major challenge in Eritrea.

    In many cases. students have to walk long distances in difficult weather conditions to get to school. And families’ seasonal movements – in search of water and pastureland for their cattle – make it very difficult for pastoralist children to complete a basic education.

    Moreover, teachers are often reluctant to work in remote areas, where access to basic social services is limited or non-existent. At the same time, some parents remain unaware of the importance of education for their children – particularly their daughters, who are frequently compelled to marry at a young age.

    According to Ministry of Education figures, more than 234,000 Eritrean children aged 7 to 11 are not attending elementary schools. Enrolment in the regions inhabited by nomadic peoples is particularly low, especially among girls.

    “By visiting various nomadic schools in northern Sudan and learning from their experiences, we can now confidently start putting our knowledge on different nomadic education initiatives into practice in Eritrea,” said the Minister of Education, H.E. Semere Russom, referring to a UNICEF-supported study tour on nomadic education. The tour took place in one of Eritrea’s neighbouring states, Sudan, earlier this month.

    Lessons from Sudan

    With similar cultures and traditions, Sudan faces many of the same educational challenges as Eritrea. On the study tour, Eritrean delegates visited five states in northern Sudan – Kassala, Gedarif, Khartoum, White Nile and North Kordofan – observing different initiatives that address access to education for nomadic children In one of the Rashaida nomadic communities in Kassala state, the strong commitment of a community leader successfully influenced the transformation of a mobile classroom into an on-site school. The leader, Mohamed Salih Saleem, advocated education for all and made contributions to start the school – to buy the land, mobilize the community, build huts and provide food and water for teachers.

    UNICEF collaborated on the project and provided writing desks and learning materials for the school. As a result of this effort, more than 100 boys and girls from grades one to four now attend the Um Oshoosh School.

    ‘Education can start in any form’

    Various kinds of inventive school structures – including tents, iron frames covered by grass mats or twigs, and mud-brick or cement buildings – also impressed the Eritrean study tour members.

    “It was encouraging to learn that we should not worry too much about how nomadic schools should look at the beginning,” said Petros Hailemariam, Director General of the Department of Research and Human Resources Development for the Eritrean Ministry of Education.

    “Education can start in any form, depending on local conditions,” he added. “Once the basis is established, it can scale up, reflecting the local needs and realities.”

    Translating knowledge into practice

    In 2009, the Eritrean education authorities, with support from UNICEF, drafted a policy framework on nomadic education and initiated pilot nomadic education interventions in four regions.

    The subsequent study tour to Sudan provided key government officials and partner organizations with the fresh perspectives needed for the ongoing development of a policy and plan of action for Eritrea, which will include expansions of pilot schools and teacher training programmes.

    “Flexibility is the key for nomadic education,” said UNICEF Representative in Eritrea Dr. Hamid El-Bashir. “No one size fits all, because all nomadic communities have different social, economic and environment conditions, and their own lifestyles.”

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    Sudan Airways Banned From European Airspace

    Sudan Airways Banned From European Airspace

    Brussels, 30 March 2010 - The European Commission has adopted today the thirteenth update of the Community’s list of airlines banned in the European Union to include all air carriers of two additional countries: Sudan and the Philippines, on the basis of safety assessments by the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO).

    With this update, restrictions placed on Air Koryo from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and TAAG from Angola are partially lifted under certain conditions, while the operations of Iran Air will be restricted.

    Commission Vice-President Siim Kallas, responsible for Transport, said: “Safety comes first. We are ready to support countries that need to build up technical and administrative capacity to guarantee the necessary standards in civil aviation. But we cannot accept that airlines fly into the EU if they do not fully comply with international safety standards.”

    With this update, the Air Koryo licensed in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, subject to an operating ban since March 2006, is allowed to resume operations into the EU with two aircraft which are fitted with the necessary equipment to comply with mandatory international standards and following appropriate oversight by its authority. The rest of its fleet remains barred from operating into the EU.

    The Commission recognises the improvements in the operations of TAAG Angola Airlines by allowing the air carrier to operate under certain strict conditions with specific aircraft to all destinations in the EU, not only to Lisbon.

    The civil aviation authority of Angola is urged to intensify its oversight in relation to all carriers and continue the recertification of the other Angolan air carriers which remain banned from operating into the EU.

    The Commission imposes an operating ban on all operations of Sudanese air carriers, due to a poor safety performance of the civil aviation authority of Sudan resulting from persistent non-compliance with international standards in the area of oversight.

    The Commission acknowledges the recent efforts launched by the competent authorities to reform the civil aviation system in the Philippines and steps taken to address safety deficiencies reported by the FAA and ICAO and measures taken by two carriers – Philippines Airlines and Cebu Airlines – to ensure safety of operations. It is ready to support the Philippines to overcome serious safety deficiencies.

    In view of the significant safety concerns identified by ICAO in relation to the authorities, the Commission with the unanimous support of the Air Safety Committee is forced to follow the principle of precaution and impose an operating ban on all air carriers licensed in the Philippines. The Commission is ready to support the Philippine authorities and conduct a visit to the country.

    Following an examination of the safety of Iran Air’s operations into the EU through ramp checks of its aircraft in the Community, evidence of serious incidents and accidents suffered by the carrier and insufficient oversight from the authority over the past year, the Air Safety Committee concluded unanimously that the operations of Iran Air to the EU should be restricted. The carrier will only be allowed to use certain aircraft for flights to Europe. The Commission will visit Iran over the next months to verify the oversight of the Iranian civil aviation organisation and the safety situation of Iran Air.

    The results of a recent visit by the European Aviation Safety Agency to Albania indicate that the competent authority needs to strengthen its capabilities to ensure the oversight of the air carriers it licences. The authorities have been urged by the Commission to take prompt action to address these issues. The Commission will closely monitor the situation.

    The Commission follows closely the performance of Egyptian air carriers. A visit to Egypt to verify the oversight functions of the civil aviation authority and the performance of certain air carriers showed that this authority is carrying out its responsibilities correctly. The Commission will continue to cooperate closely with this authority to ensure that proposed improvements can be implemented.

    Today, the Community’s list has three carriers whose operations are fully banned in the European Union – Ariana Afghan Airlines from Afghanistan, Siem reap Airways International from Cambodia and Silverback Cargo Freighters from Rwanda.

    All carriers from 17 countries – 278 companies in total – are banned: Angola, Benin, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, (with the exception of three carriers which operate under restrictions and conditions), Indonesia, Kazakhstan (with the exception of one carrier which operates under restrictions and conditions), the Kyrgyz Republic, Liberia, Philippines, Republic of Congo, Sierra Leone, Sao Tome and Principe, Sudan, Swaziland and Zambia. 10 air carriers are allowed to operate under restrictions and conditions – Air Koryo from the Democratic People Republic of Korea, TAAG Angola Airlines, Air Astana from Kazakhstan, Iran Air from Iran Gabon Airlines, Afrijet and SN2AG from Gabon, Air Bangladesh, Air Service Comores and Ukrainian Mediterranean Airlines from Ukraine.

    Find list of banned airlines here: EU list of banned airlines

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    Nevsun Resources Financial Results 2009

    Nevsun Resources Financial Results 2009

    Nevsun Resources

    Nevsun Resources

    Nevsun Resources Ltd. (TSX:NSU / NYSE Amex:NSU) is pleased to announce its recent financial position and its annual results for 2009. All amounts are expressed in United States dollars.

    The Company’s cash position at the end of March 2010 is approximately $118 million.

    For the year ended December 31, 2009 the Company has reported a loss of $5.5 million. The results compare to 2008 when the Company reported a loss of $5.7 million, including $2.0 million of income from discontinued operations.

    Included in the Company’s MD&A are management’s report on the Company’s Bisha Project construction progress, as well as economics and cash flows for the project. The project is now over 50% complete and commissioning is expected to commence in late 2010. Photographs of the construction progress can be found at www.nevsun.com/properties/photo_gallery.

    Complete details of the 2009 financial statements and management’s discussion and analysis can be found on the Nevsun website at www.nevsun.com as well as on Sedar at www.sedar.com and EDGAR at http://www.sec.gov/edgar/searchedgar/webusers.htm.

    Forward Looking Statements:

    The above contains forward-looking statements concerning cash position, construction progress and project economics. Forward-looking statements are frequently, but not always, identified by words such as “expects,” “anticipates,” “believes,” “intends,” “estimates,” “potential,” “possible” and similar expressions, or statements that events, conditions or results “will,” “may,” “could” or “should” occur or be achieved. Forward-looking statements are statements about the future and are inherently uncertain, and actual achievements of the Company or other future events or conditions may differ materially from those reflected in the forward-looking statements due to a variety of risks, uncertainties and other factors, including, without limitation, those described in the Management Discussion and Analysis of the Company. The Company’s forward-looking statements are based on the beliefs, expectations and opinions of management on the date the statements are made and the Company assumes no obligation to update such forward-looking statements in the future. For the reasons set forth above, investors should not place undue reliance on forward-looking statements.

    NEVSUN RESOURCES LTD.

    Cliff T. Davis

    President & Chief Executive Officer

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    DR Congo: Ex-Rebels Take Over Mineral Trade Extortion Racket

    DR Congo: Ex-Rebels Take Over Mineral Trade Extortion Racket

    DR Congo

    DR Congo

    Global Witness Press Release:

    Campaigners call for immediate demilitarisation of mining sector.

    Former rebels from the Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP) have established mafiastyle extortion rackets covering some of the most lucrative tin and tantalum mining areas in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), campaign group Global Witness reported today, following four weeks of research in the region.

    The ex-CNDP rebels, who joined the national army in a chaotic integration process during 2009, have taken advantage of UN-backed government offensives aimed at displacing the FDLR militia from profitable mine sites. They have gained far greater control of mining areas than they ever enjoyed as insurgents, and in many cases have retained their old command structures and political agenda.

    Global Witness is calling on the Congolese government to immediately remove all army units from mine sites as part of a wholesale demilitarisation of the sector. The country’s international donors have so far let the government off the hook on this issue and should do more to pressure Congolese authorities to take soldiers out of the mines and away from the mineral trade.

    “Last year’s high profile offensives against the FDLR paved the way for high-ranking elements of the ex-CNDP to gain and consolidate access to mineral wealth. Control of the mines has effectively been transferred from one group of armed thugs to another – the main difference being that the new ones are wearing the national army’s uniform,” said Global Witness campaigner Annie Dunnebacke, just back from a month in eastern DRC.

    “For more than a decade now, the country’s mineral wealth has provided an incentive and a cash base for the conflict to continue. Unless the government and international donors implement a comprehensive strategy which tackles once and for all the economic drivers of this conflict, the local population will continue to suffer and the country’s future will continue to be blighted.”

    Global Witness found that ex-CNDP fighters now in charge of the 212th national army brigade are pocketing tens of thousands of dollars per month from illegal taxes imposed on civilians working in and around Bisie, eastern Congo’s largest cassiterite (tin ore) mine. Most of these funds are channelled directly to ex-CNDP senior officers, including brigade commander Colonel Yussuf Mboneza, and to other high-ranking elements of the national army.

    In some parts of North Kivu, former CNDP commanders are running a parallel administration – effectively a state within a state – through which they are illegally levying taxes on the mineral trade and other goods. The central government has virtually no authority in these areas.

    “The capacity of the former rebels to siphon off revenue from the mines means they could afford to re-arm if they decide peace no longer suits them,” said Global Witness campaigner Emilie Serralta, who travelled with Dunnebacke. “This is particularly dangerous considering the ex-commanders’ history of reverting to rebellion when they don’t get what they want.”

    Global Witness found that the brunt of the extortion and abuse is borne by the region’s civilian population. At the Muhinga cassiterite mine in South Kivu, diggers told researchers that they are forced to pay $10 each to the military for permission to spend a night working in the mineshafts. Diggers, many of whom are children, also have to pay the army to use dynamite and are forced to hand over all their production on Thursdays.

    “In Muhinga, workers told us they are whipped and robbed by soldiers if they fail to pay up. The army should be protecting civilians, instead they are crippling them with illegal taxes and abuse,” said Serralta.

    Companies still sourcing from armed groups, governments failing to act

    Global Witness also uncovered evidence that companies in eastern DRC and Rwanda are still buying goods directly from militarised mines, in spite of growing international pressure to end the trade in conflict minerals.

    Some in the industry have committed on paper to greater supply chain traceability and more responsible sourcing practices, but so far companies buying minerals from eastern Congo have failed to move beyond the rhetoric and put in place credible due diligence measures.

    “It’s not enough for companies to rely on promises made or paperwork filled out by their suppliers. If companies want to avoid being complicit in the conflict and human rights abuses, they have to carry out investigations to find out exactly which mines the goods come from, and who has benefited from the trade,” said Dunnebacke.

    “Information about who controls which mine site is common knowledge in the trading towns of eastern Congo. Companies buying minerals from militarised areas have no excuse for claiming ignorance.”

    Recent UN Security Council resolutions have called on governments to take measures against those sourcing minerals from armed groups in eastern Congo, but so far member states have shied away from placing any companies or individuals under UN sanctions, despite abundant evidence published by the UN Group of Experts and Global Witness.

    Serralta said: “Western donor governments have been very vocal about commitments to bring peace and stability to eastern DRC. But the impressive rhetoric is at odds with their persistent failure to hold to account companies in their jurisdictions that buy conflict minerals. When helping Congo involves tackling a perceived national interest, however marginal, their willingness to act seems to dissolve into thin air.”

    MONUC drawdown should be contingent on demilitarisation of mines

    Another test of international commitment to tackle the link between the mineral trade and abuses in Congo concerns the objectives and mandate given the UN peacekeeping mission, MONUC. Over the coming weeks, UN Security Council members will be deciding on benchmarks that MONUC needs to meet before it can withdraw from DRC without triggering a relapse into instability. In light of its recent findings, Global Witness believes it is critical that these targets include comprehensive demilitarisation of the mineral sector in the east of the country.

    Security Council members should also strengthen MONUC’s mandate to tackle the illicit mineral trade when this comes up for renewal in May. Peacekeepers should be given the authorisation and the means, not only to monitor and inspect mineral shipments, but also to actively support government law enforcement efforts to curtail illegal activities involving the military.

    / Ends

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    Results of the 14th African Union Summit

    Results of the 14th African Union Summit

    African Union Commission (AUC) — The Assembly of the African Union Heads of State and Government while at their 14th Ordinary Session from 31st January to 2nd February 2010, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, adopted the following Decisions:

    On the situation of peace and security in Africa, the Summit expressed satisfaction with the efforts by the African Union and the Regional Economic Communities (RECs), with support from the international community, for the effective establishment of the continental Peace and Security Architecture, as well as for the prevention and resolution of conflict and the consolidation of peace.

    With regard to unconstitutional changes of government, and strengthening the capacity of the African Union to manage such situations, the Assembly reiterated the African Union’s total rejection of unconstitutional changes of Government, and its determination to put a definitive end to this scourge, which undermines the progress achieved in the ongoing democratization processes in the continent and constitutes a threat to peace and security in Africa.

    The Assembly decided that, in case of unconstitutional changes of government, in addition to the suspension of the country concerned, the following measures shall apply: non-participation of the perpetrators of the unconstitutional change in the elections held to restore constitutional order; implementation of sanctions against any Member State that is proven to have instigated or supported an unconstitutional change in another State; and implementation by the Assembly of other sanctions including punitive economic sanctions. It further decided that, Member States should, upon the occurrence of an unconstitutional change of Government, refrain from granting any accreditation to the de facto authorities in non-African international bodies, including the United Nations and its General Assembly, thus strengthening the automatic suspension measure taken by the AU against the countries in which unconstitutional changes of Government have taken place.

    The Assembly strongly underscored the importance of signing and ratification by Member States which have not already done so, of the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance as well as on good neighbourliness and non-subversion.

    Concerning the International Criminal Court (ICC), the recommendation of the Assembly contained therein, and in particular the following:

    Proposal for amendment to Article 16 of the Rome Statute;

    Proposal for retention of Article 13 as is;

    Procedural issues: guidelines for the exercise of prosecutorial discretion by the ICC Prosecutor;

    Immunities of officials whose states are not parties to the Rome Statute: the relationship between articles 27 and 98; and

    Proposals regarding the crime of aggression.

    On the abuse of the principle of universal jurisdiction, the Assembly reiterated its previous positions adopted in Sharm el Sheikh, Addis Ababa and Sirte in July 2008, February 2009 and July 2009 respectively to the effect that there has been blatant abuse of the Principle of Universal Jurisdiction particularly by some non-African States. It called for immediate termination of all pending indictments while urging the Commission to follow-up on this matter with a view to ensuring that a definitive solution to this problem is reached and to report to the Ordinary Session of the Assembly through the Executive Council in July 2010.

    For the Hissène Habré case: the Assembly appealed to all Member States to contribute to the budget of the trial and extend the necessary support to the Government of Senegal in the execution of the African Union (AU) mandate to prosecute and try Hissene Habre;

    With respect to the terrorist attack against the Togolese national football team, the Assembly recalled the principles enshrined in the Constitutive Act of the African Union, the 1999 OAU Convention on Preventing and Combating Terrorism (Algiers Convention) and the 2004 Protocol, the relevant legal instruments of the United Nations and other international conventions relating to the fight against  terrorism, all of which equally condemn the support, sheltering and financing of terrorists groups;

    On the Year of Peace and Security in Africa, the Assembly stressed that the Year of Peace and Security will be an opportunity for African people and leaders, as well as African institutions, in partnership with the international community, to review current efforts towards peace on the continent, with a view to strengthening them and, where appropriate, launching new initiatives, in particular by:

    giving added momentum to peace and security efforts on the continent;

    giving greater visibility to ongoing and past efforts by the African Union on the ground;

    speeding up the implementation of commitments made by Member States to various AU instruments relating to peace and security;

    making synergy between official efforts to promote peace and security with those  being undertaken on the ground by grassroots communities; and

    mobilizing resources to support peace and security efforts on the Continent.

    On the African Common position on the review of the implementation of the Beijing+15 platform, the Assembly took note of the Report on the African Common Position on the Fifteen Year Review of the Implementation of the Beijing Platform of Action, and the recommendations contained therein. It called on the United Nations to consider and incorporate the Common African Position on the Fifteen Years Review of the Implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action, during the global review.

    Regarding the establishment of the Fund for African Women, the Assembly decided to  launch the Fund for African Women in accordance with Assembly Decision Assembly/AU/Dec.143 (VIII) adopted in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in January 2007.

    On the date and venue of the fifteenth Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union, the Assembly accepted the dates proposed by the Republic of Uganda and the Commission for the holding of the Summit meetings in Kampala as follows:

    19 to 20 July 2010: 20th Ordinary Session of the Permanent Representatives’ Committee;

    22 to 23 July 2010: 17th Ordinary Session of the Executive Council;

    25 to 27 July 2010: 15th Ordinary Session of the Assembly.

    Concerning the election of the members of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union, the Assembly appointed the following five (5) Members of the Peace and Security Council for a three-year term as of 1 April 2010:

    NAME REGION
    Equatorial Guinea Central Region
    Kenya Eastern Region
    Libya Northern Region
    Zimbabwe Southern Region
    Nigeria Western Region

    It also appointed the following ten (10) Members of the Peace and Security Council for a two-year term as of 1 April 2010:

    NAME REGION
    Burundi Central Region
    Chad Central Region
    Djibouti Eastern Region
    Rwanda Eastern Region
    Mauritania Northern Region
    Namibia Southern Region
    South Africa Southern Region
    Benin Western Region
    Cote d’Ivoire Western Region
    Mali Western Region

    Concerning the African Common Position at the Copenhagen Summit on Climate Change, the Assembly reaffirmed its continued stand to remain united in all future negotiations on climate change while endorsing that the leadership of H.E Meles Zenawi, Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, as Coordinator of CAHOSCC, be extended to lead CAHOSCC for the next two Conferences of Parties (COP16 in Mexico and COP17 in South Africa, in 2010 and 2011 respectively).

    Regarding the report of the Heads of State and Government Implementation Committee on NEPAD, the Assembly approved the adoption of a new strategic approach focusing on partnership dialogue on Africa’s development policy issues and called for the institutionalization of Africa’s engagement within the G20, and the effecting of the desired paradigm shift from management of poverty in the Continent to economic transformation for Africa to emerge as a new growth pole to address existing imbalances and play a significant role in the integrated world economy.

    On the integration of the NEPAD into the structures and processes of the African Union including the establishment of the NEPAD Planning and Coordinating Agency (NPCA), the Assembly approved the following:

    Facilitate and coordinate the implementation of the continental and regional priority programmes and projects;

    Mobilize resources and partners in support of the implementation of Africa’s priority programmes and projects;

    Conduct and coordinate research and knowledge management;

    Regarding the response to the global financial crisis, the Assembly expressed some concerns on the impact of the global financial and economic crisis on African countries, despite their economies being less integrated into the international financial system. It called upon developed countries as well as international financial institutions to urgently implement the recommendations and commitments made during the Pittsburgh G-20 Summit, while requesting the Commission, in collaboration with the AfDB and the ECA, to continue monitoring the impact of the crisis on African countries, as well as the implementation of the G20 Summit Commitments

    On the Reform of the United Nations Security Council, the Assembly reaffirmed the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration on the reform of the United Nations Security Council containing the African Common Position, and called for its intensive promotion to ensure that Africa speaks with one voice on the issue of Security Council Reform.

    On the annexes to the statues of the African Investment Bank, the Assembly adopted the Annexes to the Statutes of the African Investment Bank (AIB) including the selection of scenario B, on the distribution of capital and voting rights of the AIB among Member States, and the choice of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) of the International Monetary Fund as unit of account of the AIB, until the creation of the African single currency. It called on the Member States that have not yet done so to sign and ratify the Protocol and the Statutes of the African Investment Bank.

    On the African Union budget for the 2010 financial year, the Assembly approved the Budget of the African Union for the Year 2010 amounting to US$250,453,697. They requested the Commission to implement the decision to increase Member States` contribution towards the peace fund from 6% to 12% over a period of 3 years starting from 2011. They also decided to allocate US$3,020,854 to NEPAD as initial budget for its integration into African Union structures and processes pending the approval of its structure by the Policy Organs as well as the continued harmonization of its programs with those of AUC to avoid duplication and ensure coherence.

    On Zimbabwe, the Assembly recalled its Decision 252 adopted in Sirte, Libya, in July 2009 on the immediate lifting of sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe. In this regard, the Assembly invited all the Member States of the AU and the international community to give priority to the immediate and permanent lifting of the international sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe. Source: (African Press Organization)

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    Eritrean Government Press Release on IGAD Communiqué

    Eritrean Government Press Release on IGAD Communiqué

    IGAD: A communiqué devoid of any legality

    The IGAD Council of Ministers has issued a communiqué on Somalia and Eritrea following a meeting convened in Ethiopia this weekend. Apart from its ill-advised content which can only exacerbate the crisis in Somalia and hamper the objectives of peace and security in the Horn of Africa, the IGAD Communique is devoid of any legality for the following procedural and substantive reasons:

    i) Four members of IGAD, namely Ethiopia, Kenya, Djibouti and Uganda are direct protagonists in the conflict in Somalia in one form or another. Ethiopia is culpable for a flagrant invasion of Somalia in December 2006 under the instigation of the United States and the intermittent incursions thereafter. The other countries have not only endorsed Ethiopia’s invasion of an IGAD Member State but have also sent troops to Mogadishu in contravention of UN Security Council resolution 1725(2006) that barred neighboring countries from involvement in any eventual peacekeeping force in Somalia.

    ii) Somalia’s seat in IGAD had remained vacant for most of the 19 years since the country was sadly embroiled in the crisis that continues without let up. It appears that the TFG has now been accorded a seat in IGAD. But in view of the political realities in Somalia(the entities in Puntland, Somaliland etc and the situation in Mogadishu), this short-sighted decision does not only provoke issues of legality but does not augur well for a healthy process of nation reconciliation in Somalia.

    iii) As communicated to the government of Eritrea by Dr. Mustafa Osman Ismail, the Special Advisor to the President, the government of Sudan does not support UN Security Council Resolution 1907 imposing sanction on Eritrea.

    iv) Eritrea suspended its membership in IGAD in early 2007 in the wake of Ethiopia’s invasion of Somalia and the moral failure of IGAD to condemn the acts of aggression against a fellow Member State.

    v) As is well known, Ethiopia continues to occupy sovereign Eritrean territories in violation of international law and its treaty obligations.

    vi) In light of these facts, any decision of those States in respect of Somalia does not have validity, as they cannot cast their votes as impartial or neutral parties. In the same breadth, these countries cannot indict Eritrea on account of events in Somalia. These countries, which shoulder primary responsibility for the cause and exacerbation of the crisis in Somalia do not indeed have moral, political or legal authority to indict or punish Eritrea.

    Ministry of Foreign Affairs

    Asmara

    3 February 2010

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